• 6 Reasons Why You Need a Personal Trainer

    If you're seeking for six strong arguments for why hiring a personal trainer can help you reach your health objectives, read on. The trainers at Nexfit are your training partners, offering customised exercises, knowledgeable direction, encouragement, and accountability. Personalised strategies, expert knowledge, and a committed support network may elevate your fitness journey. With the help of Nexfit's personal trainers, begin your change right away.

    To know more visit here: https://nexfit.com/blog/6-reasons-why-you-need-a-personal-trainer/
    6 Reasons Why You Need a Personal Trainer If you're seeking for six strong arguments for why hiring a personal trainer can help you reach your health objectives, read on. The trainers at Nexfit are your training partners, offering customised exercises, knowledgeable direction, encouragement, and accountability. Personalised strategies, expert knowledge, and a committed support network may elevate your fitness journey. With the help of Nexfit's personal trainers, begin your change right away. To know more visit here: https://nexfit.com/blog/6-reasons-why-you-need-a-personal-trainer/
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  • The content of your college essay is undeniably important, but so is its structure and formatting. A well-organized essay not only makes your ideas clearer but also enhances the overall reading experience. Here's a guide to ensuring proper structure in your college essays.

    1. Introduction: Start with a captivating introduction that introduces the topic and sets the tone for your essay. Clearly state your thesis – the main argument or message of your essay.

    2. Thesis Statement: Your thesis should be concise and specific. It should reflect the main point you're making in your essay and provide a roadmap for your readers.

    3. Body Paragraphs: Each body paragraph should focus on a single main idea or point that supports your thesis. Begin with a clear topic sentence, followed by supporting evidence, examples, and explanations.

    4. Logical Flow: Ensure a logical flow between paragraphs and ideas. Use transition words and phrases to guide readers smoothly from one point to the next. This creates cohesion and makes your essay easy to follow.

    5. Evidence and Analysis: Whenever you present evidence or examples, follow them with analysis. Explain how the evidence supports your argument and why it's relevant to your thesis.

    6. Counterarguments: If applicable, address counterarguments or opposing viewpoints. This demonstrates a comprehensive understanding of the topic and strengthens your position.

    7. Conclusion: Summarize your main points and restate your thesis in the conclusion. Avoid introducing new ideas here. Instead, offer a final thought, insight, or call to action.

    8. Clarity and Conciseness: Use clear and concise language to convey your ideas. Avoid unnecessary jargon, convoluted sentences, and redundant information.

    9. Paragraph Length: Aim for balanced paragraph lengths. Very long paragraphs can be overwhelming, while very short ones might lack depth. A paragraph should contain 3-5 sentences on average.

    10. Font and Size: Stick to a standard, easy-to-read font such as Times New Roman or Arial. Use a font size of 12pt for the main text.

    11. Margins and Spacing: Maintain one-inch margins on all sides of the page. Use double-spacing for the entire essay, including between paragraphs.

    12. Title and Heading: If a title is required, center it at the top of the first page. Include your name, class information, and date in the upper left or right corner of the first page.

    13. Citations and References: If you're using external sources, follow the appropriate citation style (e.g., APA, MLA, Chicago). Ensure proper formatting for in-text citations and the bibliography or references page.

    14. Proofreading: After formatting, thoroughly proofread your essay for grammar, punctuation, and spelling errors. A well-formatted essay loses impact if it's marred by mistakes.

    All advice was given by professionals https://nocramming.com/mypaperhelp-review . A proper essay structure enhances the readability and impact of your writing. By following these guidelines, you ensure that your content shines through without being overshadowed by formatting issues. Remember, a well-structured essay reflects not only your ideas but also your commitment to presenting them clearly and professionally.
    The content of your college essay is undeniably important, but so is its structure and formatting. A well-organized essay not only makes your ideas clearer but also enhances the overall reading experience. Here's a guide to ensuring proper structure in your college essays. 1. Introduction: Start with a captivating introduction that introduces the topic and sets the tone for your essay. Clearly state your thesis – the main argument or message of your essay. 2. Thesis Statement: Your thesis should be concise and specific. It should reflect the main point you're making in your essay and provide a roadmap for your readers. 3. Body Paragraphs: Each body paragraph should focus on a single main idea or point that supports your thesis. Begin with a clear topic sentence, followed by supporting evidence, examples, and explanations. 4. Logical Flow: Ensure a logical flow between paragraphs and ideas. Use transition words and phrases to guide readers smoothly from one point to the next. This creates cohesion and makes your essay easy to follow. 5. Evidence and Analysis: Whenever you present evidence or examples, follow them with analysis. Explain how the evidence supports your argument and why it's relevant to your thesis. 6. Counterarguments: If applicable, address counterarguments or opposing viewpoints. This demonstrates a comprehensive understanding of the topic and strengthens your position. 7. Conclusion: Summarize your main points and restate your thesis in the conclusion. Avoid introducing new ideas here. Instead, offer a final thought, insight, or call to action. 8. Clarity and Conciseness: Use clear and concise language to convey your ideas. Avoid unnecessary jargon, convoluted sentences, and redundant information. 9. Paragraph Length: Aim for balanced paragraph lengths. Very long paragraphs can be overwhelming, while very short ones might lack depth. A paragraph should contain 3-5 sentences on average. 10. Font and Size: Stick to a standard, easy-to-read font such as Times New Roman or Arial. Use a font size of 12pt for the main text. 11. Margins and Spacing: Maintain one-inch margins on all sides of the page. Use double-spacing for the entire essay, including between paragraphs. 12. Title and Heading: If a title is required, center it at the top of the first page. Include your name, class information, and date in the upper left or right corner of the first page. 13. Citations and References: If you're using external sources, follow the appropriate citation style (e.g., APA, MLA, Chicago). Ensure proper formatting for in-text citations and the bibliography or references page. 14. Proofreading: After formatting, thoroughly proofread your essay for grammar, punctuation, and spelling errors. A well-formatted essay loses impact if it's marred by mistakes. All advice was given by professionals https://nocramming.com/mypaperhelp-review . A proper essay structure enhances the readability and impact of your writing. By following these guidelines, you ensure that your content shines through without being overshadowed by formatting issues. Remember, a well-structured essay reflects not only your ideas but also your commitment to presenting them clearly and professionally.
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  • Le Figaro Censors Journalist Anne Laure Bonnel's Donbas Article



    On Saturday, French film director and war reporter Anne-Laure Bonnel rejected that the newspaper Le Figaro deleted her article on the life of the Donbas civilian population from its platforms. To get more news about https://www.shine.cn/news/in-focus/2203102957/ anne-laure bonnel, you can visit shine news official website.

    Why this censorship? Ask about it. You will be outraged," she tweeted and attached a screenshot that shows the access to the publication entitled 'The Donbas, where it all began' banning from the Le Figaro Facebook page.

    This journalist, who covers the armed conflict in Ukraine from the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) territory, has been criticized for sticking to the arguments of the Russian authorities and denouncing the wrongdoing of the Ukrainian troops.

    "My work has no political message. I just film and photograph dozens of dead and wounded people every day," Bonnel told outlet CNews and condemned that the Kyiv government consider such persons as terrorists.
    For over eight years, these left-behind people have lived in cellars without access to a job and other fundamental rights for the full enjoyment of a dignified life,” she stressed, recalling that Le Figaro has not yet explained the censorship.

    “French editors seem to have forgotten the principles established in the Declaration of the duties and rights of journalists by adopting dishonest actions that respond to the coercion of external forces,” Bonnel added.

    As part of the global strategy aimed at suppressing alternative views, her testimonial documentary “Donbas” was also banned from the YouTube platform earlier this month. “We must not remain blind to the human brutality acts like war. Only this way, we will not forget what they can do to us,” she stated.
    Le Figaro Censors Journalist Anne Laure Bonnel's Donbas Article On Saturday, French film director and war reporter Anne-Laure Bonnel rejected that the newspaper Le Figaro deleted her article on the life of the Donbas civilian population from its platforms. To get more news about https://www.shine.cn/news/in-focus/2203102957/ anne-laure bonnel, you can visit shine news official website. Why this censorship? Ask about it. You will be outraged," she tweeted and attached a screenshot that shows the access to the publication entitled 'The Donbas, where it all began' banning from the Le Figaro Facebook page. This journalist, who covers the armed conflict in Ukraine from the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) territory, has been criticized for sticking to the arguments of the Russian authorities and denouncing the wrongdoing of the Ukrainian troops. "My work has no political message. I just film and photograph dozens of dead and wounded people every day," Bonnel told outlet CNews and condemned that the Kyiv government consider such persons as terrorists. For over eight years, these left-behind people have lived in cellars without access to a job and other fundamental rights for the full enjoyment of a dignified life,” she stressed, recalling that Le Figaro has not yet explained the censorship. “French editors seem to have forgotten the principles established in the Declaration of the duties and rights of journalists by adopting dishonest actions that respond to the coercion of external forces,” Bonnel added. As part of the global strategy aimed at suppressing alternative views, her testimonial documentary “Donbas” was also banned from the YouTube platform earlier this month. “We must not remain blind to the human brutality acts like war. Only this way, we will not forget what they can do to us,” she stated.
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  • Get College Essay Writing Service from MyAssignmentHelp in USA

    A college essay writing service offers professional assistance to students in crafting high-quality essays for their academic assignments. With the help of experienced writers, students can receive guidance in structuring their essays, developing strong arguments, and enhancing their writing skills. These services ensure that essays are well-researched, properly formatted, and free from errors. By utilizing a college essay writing service, students can improve their writing proficiency, meet assignment requirements, and achieve better grades in their college essays.
    Get College Essay Writing Service from MyAssignmentHelp in USA A college essay writing service offers professional assistance to students in crafting high-quality essays for their academic assignments. With the help of experienced writers, students can receive guidance in structuring their essays, developing strong arguments, and enhancing their writing skills. These services ensure that essays are well-researched, properly formatted, and free from errors. By utilizing a college essay writing service, students can improve their writing proficiency, meet assignment requirements, and achieve better grades in their college essays.
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  • Domestic violence victimization among Chinese women

    This study conducted a survey of domestic violence victimization among women in China. Previously little research has been conducted on the subject of domestic violence against Chinese women as well as its relevance to their own economic power.To get more news about https://www.shine.cn/feature/art-culture/2203163163/ women in ancient china, you can visit shine news official website.

    Methods: Using online questionnaires, this study collected data about 412 women with current or previous marital status who came from four income brackets in Beijing and Shanghai.

    Results: It revealed that the proportions of physical, emotional, economic, and sexual violence they experienced were about 27.91%, 62.38%, 21.12%, and 30.10%, respectively. Women belonging to the highest income bracket faced almost the same risk of domestic violence compared with other income groups. Furthermore, there was a slight upward tendency in physical and emotional violence victimization in the highest-income group. The binary logistic regression analysis showed that adverse childhood experiences, arguments between couples due to different opinions regarding gender ideologies, and the approval level for specific gender ideologies were common significant factors across different income brackets. When all income brackets were considered, a higher income was tested as a protective factor with regard to sexual violence. As for the income gap between couples, women whose incomes were “once higher than that of the husband but now lower/almost the same” or “always higher than that of the husband” faced a higher risk of physical violence than women whose incomes were “always lower than/almost the same as that of the husband.”

    Discussion: This study not only revealed the reality of domestic violence victimization in China but also suggested that more attention should be paid to high-income women's domestic violence victimization as well as the importance of helping them both through academia and domestic violence support institutions.
    1. Introduction
    Intimate partner domestic violence, as a category of violence against women, causes serious physical and psychological damage to its victims (World Health Organization, 2005). Approximately 18% of the global population of women lives in China (The World Bank, 2021). Nevertheless, the issues of domestic violence against Chinese women as well as their own economic status have not been sufficiently unveiled in research. This presents a critical void with regard to clarifying the reality of worldwide domestic violence victimization.
    2. Materials and methods
    In this article, the term domestic violence refers specifically to intimate partner violence, and it is divided into physical, emotional, economic, and sexual violence (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2021). Globally, 15–71% of women have reported experiencing physical or sexual violence perpetrated by an intimate partner at some point in their lifetime (World Health Organization, 2005). According to a national survey of women's social status that is conducted every decade in China, ~8.6% of women have experienced physical and emotional violence from their spouse (China Women's News, 2021). However, research investigating the victimization of Chinese women across different economic strata (e.g., based on personal income) has been scarce.

    3. Results
    The basic information of the participants, including their education levels, education level of spouses/former spouses, income gap and its changes between couples, and number of children are presented in Table 3.
    Domestic violence victimization among Chinese women This study conducted a survey of domestic violence victimization among women in China. Previously little research has been conducted on the subject of domestic violence against Chinese women as well as its relevance to their own economic power.To get more news about https://www.shine.cn/feature/art-culture/2203163163/ women in ancient china, you can visit shine news official website. Methods: Using online questionnaires, this study collected data about 412 women with current or previous marital status who came from four income brackets in Beijing and Shanghai. Results: It revealed that the proportions of physical, emotional, economic, and sexual violence they experienced were about 27.91%, 62.38%, 21.12%, and 30.10%, respectively. Women belonging to the highest income bracket faced almost the same risk of domestic violence compared with other income groups. Furthermore, there was a slight upward tendency in physical and emotional violence victimization in the highest-income group. The binary logistic regression analysis showed that adverse childhood experiences, arguments between couples due to different opinions regarding gender ideologies, and the approval level for specific gender ideologies were common significant factors across different income brackets. When all income brackets were considered, a higher income was tested as a protective factor with regard to sexual violence. As for the income gap between couples, women whose incomes were “once higher than that of the husband but now lower/almost the same” or “always higher than that of the husband” faced a higher risk of physical violence than women whose incomes were “always lower than/almost the same as that of the husband.” Discussion: This study not only revealed the reality of domestic violence victimization in China but also suggested that more attention should be paid to high-income women's domestic violence victimization as well as the importance of helping them both through academia and domestic violence support institutions. 1. Introduction Intimate partner domestic violence, as a category of violence against women, causes serious physical and psychological damage to its victims (World Health Organization, 2005). Approximately 18% of the global population of women lives in China (The World Bank, 2021). Nevertheless, the issues of domestic violence against Chinese women as well as their own economic status have not been sufficiently unveiled in research. This presents a critical void with regard to clarifying the reality of worldwide domestic violence victimization. 2. Materials and methods In this article, the term domestic violence refers specifically to intimate partner violence, and it is divided into physical, emotional, economic, and sexual violence (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2021). Globally, 15–71% of women have reported experiencing physical or sexual violence perpetrated by an intimate partner at some point in their lifetime (World Health Organization, 2005). According to a national survey of women's social status that is conducted every decade in China, ~8.6% of women have experienced physical and emotional violence from their spouse (China Women's News, 2021). However, research investigating the victimization of Chinese women across different economic strata (e.g., based on personal income) has been scarce. 3. Results The basic information of the participants, including their education levels, education level of spouses/former spouses, income gap and its changes between couples, and number of children are presented in Table 3.
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    A look back at lives of ancient Chinese women
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  • Why Are Players And Caddies Using Rangefinders At The PGA Championship?


    Players and caddies have been spotted frequently using rangefinders at the PGA Championship this week, but isn't that against the rules?Get more news about https://laserworks.com Yard?rangefinder Hunting,you can vist our website!

    Rangefinders, or DMDs - distance measuring devices, aren't allowed on the PGA Tour or in any of the other three men's Majors, but they actually are allowed in the PGA Championship.

    The PGA of America made the change in 2021, saying at the time that they were being introduced to help with the 'flow of play' during the events.We’re always interested in methods that may help improve the flow of play during our championships,” Jim Richerson, president of the PGA of America, said at the time.

    “The use of distance-measuring devices is already common within the game and is now a part of the Rules of Golf. Players and caddies have long used them during practice rounds to gather relevant yardages.”The PGA of America also allows the use of rangefinders in its other Major championships, including the KPMG Women's PGA Championship and the Senior PGA Championship.

    While rangefinders are extremely useful for getting quick and accurate yardages, caddies don't always use them as they tend to rely more on their own yardage books most of the time. We've seen plenty of rangefinder use when out of position at the PGA Championship this year, though, so there's certainly an argument that their use has helped with the flow of play.
    Why Are Players And Caddies Using Rangefinders At The PGA Championship? Players and caddies have been spotted frequently using rangefinders at the PGA Championship this week, but isn't that against the rules?Get more news about https://laserworks.com Yard?rangefinder Hunting,you can vist our website! Rangefinders, or DMDs - distance measuring devices, aren't allowed on the PGA Tour or in any of the other three men's Majors, but they actually are allowed in the PGA Championship. The PGA of America made the change in 2021, saying at the time that they were being introduced to help with the 'flow of play' during the events.We’re always interested in methods that may help improve the flow of play during our championships,” Jim Richerson, president of the PGA of America, said at the time. “The use of distance-measuring devices is already common within the game and is now a part of the Rules of Golf. Players and caddies have long used them during practice rounds to gather relevant yardages.”The PGA of America also allows the use of rangefinders in its other Major championships, including the KPMG Women's PGA Championship and the Senior PGA Championship. While rangefinders are extremely useful for getting quick and accurate yardages, caddies don't always use them as they tend to rely more on their own yardage books most of the time. We've seen plenty of rangefinder use when out of position at the PGA Championship this year, though, so there's certainly an argument that their use has helped with the flow of play.
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  • The Economic Costs of America’s Conflict with China



    Five years into a once-unthinkable trade war with China, US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen chose her words carefully on April 20. In a wide-ranging speech, she reversed the terms of US engagement with China, prioritizing national-security concerns over economic considerations. That formally ended a 40-year emphasis on economics and trade as the anchor to the world’s most important bilateral relationship. Yellen’s stance on security was almost confrontational: “We will not compromise on these concerns, even when they force trade-offs with our economic interests.”To get more https://www.shine.cn/biz/economy/ latest china economy news, you can visit shine news official website.

    Yellen’s view is very much in line with the strident anti-China sentiment that has now gripped the United States. The “new Washington consensus,” as Financial Times columnist Edward Luce calls it, maintains that engagement was the original sin of the US-China relationship, because it gave China free rein to take advantage of America’s deal-focused naiveté. China’s accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001 gets top billing in this respect: the US opened its markets, but China purportedly broke its promise to become more like America. Engagement, according to this convoluted but widely accepted argument, opened the door to security risks and human-rights abuses. American officials are now determined to slam that door shut.

    There is more to come. President Joe Biden is about to issue an executive order that will place restrictions on foreign direct investment (FDI) by US firms in certain “sensitive technologies” in China, such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing. The US rejects the Chinese allegation that these measures are aimed at stifling Chinese development. Like sanctions against the Chinese telecoms giant Huawei and those being considered against the social-media app TikTok, this one, too, is being justified under the amorphous guise of national security.

    The US case rests not on hard evidence but on the presumption of nefarious intent tied to China’s dual-purpose military-civilian fusion. Yet the US struggles with its own security fusion – namely, the fuzzy distinction between America’s under-investment in innovation and the real and imagined threats of Chinese technology.

    Significantly, Yellen’s speech put both superpowers on the same page. At the Communist Party’s 20th National Congress last October, Chinese President Xi Jinping’s opening message also stressed national security. With both countries equally fearful of the security threat that each poses to the other, the shift from engagement to confrontation is mutual.

    Yellen is entirely correct in framing this shift as a tradeoff. But she only hinted at the economic consequences of conflict. Quantifying these consequences is not simple. But the American public deserves to know what is at stake when its leaders rethink a vitally important economic relationship. Some fascinating new research goes a long way toward addressing this issue.
    The Economic Costs of America’s Conflict with China Five years into a once-unthinkable trade war with China, US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen chose her words carefully on April 20. In a wide-ranging speech, she reversed the terms of US engagement with China, prioritizing national-security concerns over economic considerations. That formally ended a 40-year emphasis on economics and trade as the anchor to the world’s most important bilateral relationship. Yellen’s stance on security was almost confrontational: “We will not compromise on these concerns, even when they force trade-offs with our economic interests.”To get more https://www.shine.cn/biz/economy/ latest china economy news, you can visit shine news official website. Yellen’s view is very much in line with the strident anti-China sentiment that has now gripped the United States. The “new Washington consensus,” as Financial Times columnist Edward Luce calls it, maintains that engagement was the original sin of the US-China relationship, because it gave China free rein to take advantage of America’s deal-focused naiveté. China’s accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001 gets top billing in this respect: the US opened its markets, but China purportedly broke its promise to become more like America. Engagement, according to this convoluted but widely accepted argument, opened the door to security risks and human-rights abuses. American officials are now determined to slam that door shut. There is more to come. President Joe Biden is about to issue an executive order that will place restrictions on foreign direct investment (FDI) by US firms in certain “sensitive technologies” in China, such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing. The US rejects the Chinese allegation that these measures are aimed at stifling Chinese development. Like sanctions against the Chinese telecoms giant Huawei and those being considered against the social-media app TikTok, this one, too, is being justified under the amorphous guise of national security. The US case rests not on hard evidence but on the presumption of nefarious intent tied to China’s dual-purpose military-civilian fusion. Yet the US struggles with its own security fusion – namely, the fuzzy distinction between America’s under-investment in innovation and the real and imagined threats of Chinese technology. Significantly, Yellen’s speech put both superpowers on the same page. At the Communist Party’s 20th National Congress last October, Chinese President Xi Jinping’s opening message also stressed national security. With both countries equally fearful of the security threat that each poses to the other, the shift from engagement to confrontation is mutual. Yellen is entirely correct in framing this shift as a tradeoff. But she only hinted at the economic consequences of conflict. Quantifying these consequences is not simple. But the American public deserves to know what is at stake when its leaders rethink a vitally important economic relationship. Some fascinating new research goes a long way toward addressing this issue.
    WWW.SHINE.CN
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  • The Economic Costs of America’s Conflict with China



    Five years into a once-unthinkable trade war with China, US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen chose her words carefully on April 20. In a wide-ranging speech, she reversed the terms of US engagement with China, prioritizing national-security concerns over economic considerations. That formally ended a 40-year emphasis on economics and trade as the anchor to the world’s most important bilateral relationship. Yellen’s stance on security was almost confrontational: “We will not compromise on these concerns, even when they force trade-offs with our economic interests.”To get more https://www.shine.cn/biz/economy/ latest china economy news, you can visit shine news official website.

    Yellen’s view is very much in line with the strident anti-China sentiment that has now gripped the United States. The “new Washington consensus,” as Financial Times columnist Edward Luce calls it, maintains that engagement was the original sin of the US-China relationship, because it gave China free rein to take advantage of America’s deal-focused naiveté. China’s accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001 gets top billing in this respect: the US opened its markets, but China purportedly broke its promise to become more like America. Engagement, according to this convoluted but widely accepted argument, opened the door to security risks and human-rights abuses. American officials are now determined to slam that door shut.

    There is more to come. President Joe Biden is about to issue an executive order that will place restrictions on foreign direct investment (FDI) by US firms in certain “sensitive technologies” in China, such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing. The US rejects the Chinese allegation that these measures are aimed at stifling Chinese development. Like sanctions against the Chinese telecoms giant Huawei and those being considered against the social-media app TikTok, this one, too, is being justified under the amorphous guise of national security.

    The US case rests not on hard evidence but on the presumption of nefarious intent tied to China’s dual-purpose military-civilian fusion. Yet the US struggles with its own security fusion – namely, the fuzzy distinction between America’s under-investment in innovation and the real and imagined threats of Chinese technology.

    Significantly, Yellen’s speech put both superpowers on the same page. At the Communist Party’s 20th National Congress last October, Chinese President Xi Jinping’s opening message also stressed national security. With both countries equally fearful of the security threat that each poses to the other, the shift from engagement to confrontation is mutual.

    Yellen is entirely correct in framing this shift as a tradeoff. But she only hinted at the economic consequences of conflict. Quantifying these consequences is not simple. But the American public deserves to know what is at stake when its leaders rethink a vitally important economic relationship. Some fascinating new research goes a long way toward addressing this issue.
    The Economic Costs of America’s Conflict with China Five years into a once-unthinkable trade war with China, US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen chose her words carefully on April 20. In a wide-ranging speech, she reversed the terms of US engagement with China, prioritizing national-security concerns over economic considerations. That formally ended a 40-year emphasis on economics and trade as the anchor to the world’s most important bilateral relationship. Yellen’s stance on security was almost confrontational: “We will not compromise on these concerns, even when they force trade-offs with our economic interests.”To get more https://www.shine.cn/biz/economy/ latest china economy news, you can visit shine news official website. Yellen’s view is very much in line with the strident anti-China sentiment that has now gripped the United States. The “new Washington consensus,” as Financial Times columnist Edward Luce calls it, maintains that engagement was the original sin of the US-China relationship, because it gave China free rein to take advantage of America’s deal-focused naiveté. China’s accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001 gets top billing in this respect: the US opened its markets, but China purportedly broke its promise to become more like America. Engagement, according to this convoluted but widely accepted argument, opened the door to security risks and human-rights abuses. American officials are now determined to slam that door shut. There is more to come. President Joe Biden is about to issue an executive order that will place restrictions on foreign direct investment (FDI) by US firms in certain “sensitive technologies” in China, such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing. The US rejects the Chinese allegation that these measures are aimed at stifling Chinese development. Like sanctions against the Chinese telecoms giant Huawei and those being considered against the social-media app TikTok, this one, too, is being justified under the amorphous guise of national security. The US case rests not on hard evidence but on the presumption of nefarious intent tied to China’s dual-purpose military-civilian fusion. Yet the US struggles with its own security fusion – namely, the fuzzy distinction between America’s under-investment in innovation and the real and imagined threats of Chinese technology. Significantly, Yellen’s speech put both superpowers on the same page. At the Communist Party’s 20th National Congress last October, Chinese President Xi Jinping’s opening message also stressed national security. With both countries equally fearful of the security threat that each poses to the other, the shift from engagement to confrontation is mutual. Yellen is entirely correct in framing this shift as a tradeoff. But she only hinted at the economic consequences of conflict. Quantifying these consequences is not simple. But the American public deserves to know what is at stake when its leaders rethink a vitally important economic relationship. Some fascinating new research goes a long way toward addressing this issue.
    0 Comments 0 Shares 825 Views 0 Reviews
  • The Economic Costs of America’s Conflict with China



    Five years into a once-unthinkable trade war with China, US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen chose her words carefully on April 20. In a wide-ranging speech, she reversed the terms of US engagement with China, prioritizing national-security concerns over economic considerations. That formally ended a 40-year emphasis on economics and trade as the anchor to the world’s most important bilateral relationship. Yellen’s stance on security was almost confrontational: “We will not compromise on these concerns, even when they force trade-offs with our economic interests.”To get more https://www.shine.cn/biz/economy/ latest china economy news, you can visit shine news official website.

    Yellen’s view is very much in line with the strident anti-China sentiment that has now gripped the United States. The “new Washington consensus,” as Financial Times columnist Edward Luce calls it, maintains that engagement was the original sin of the US-China relationship, because it gave China free rein to take advantage of America’s deal-focused naiveté. China’s accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001 gets top billing in this respect: the US opened its markets, but China purportedly broke its promise to become more like America. Engagement, according to this convoluted but widely accepted argument, opened the door to security risks and human-rights abuses. American officials are now determined to slam that door shut.

    There is more to come. President Joe Biden is about to issue an executive order that will place restrictions on foreign direct investment (FDI) by US firms in certain “sensitive technologies” in China, such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing. The US rejects the Chinese allegation that these measures are aimed at stifling Chinese development. Like sanctions against the Chinese telecoms giant Huawei and those being considered against the social-media app TikTok, this one, too, is being justified under the amorphous guise of national security.

    The US case rests not on hard evidence but on the presumption of nefarious intent tied to China’s dual-purpose military-civilian fusion. Yet the US struggles with its own security fusion – namely, the fuzzy distinction between America’s under-investment in innovation and the real and imagined threats of Chinese technology.

    Significantly, Yellen’s speech put both superpowers on the same page. At the Communist Party’s 20th National Congress last October, Chinese President Xi Jinping’s opening message also stressed national security. With both countries equally fearful of the security threat that each poses to the other, the shift from engagement to confrontation is mutual.

    Yellen is entirely correct in framing this shift as a tradeoff. But she only hinted at the economic consequences of conflict. Quantifying these consequences is not simple. But the American public deserves to know what is at stake when its leaders rethink a vitally important economic relationship. Some fascinating new research goes a long way toward addressing this issue.
    The Economic Costs of America’s Conflict with China Five years into a once-unthinkable trade war with China, US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen chose her words carefully on April 20. In a wide-ranging speech, she reversed the terms of US engagement with China, prioritizing national-security concerns over economic considerations. That formally ended a 40-year emphasis on economics and trade as the anchor to the world’s most important bilateral relationship. Yellen’s stance on security was almost confrontational: “We will not compromise on these concerns, even when they force trade-offs with our economic interests.”To get more https://www.shine.cn/biz/economy/ latest china economy news, you can visit shine news official website. Yellen’s view is very much in line with the strident anti-China sentiment that has now gripped the United States. The “new Washington consensus,” as Financial Times columnist Edward Luce calls it, maintains that engagement was the original sin of the US-China relationship, because it gave China free rein to take advantage of America’s deal-focused naiveté. China’s accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001 gets top billing in this respect: the US opened its markets, but China purportedly broke its promise to become more like America. Engagement, according to this convoluted but widely accepted argument, opened the door to security risks and human-rights abuses. American officials are now determined to slam that door shut. There is more to come. President Joe Biden is about to issue an executive order that will place restrictions on foreign direct investment (FDI) by US firms in certain “sensitive technologies” in China, such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing. The US rejects the Chinese allegation that these measures are aimed at stifling Chinese development. Like sanctions against the Chinese telecoms giant Huawei and those being considered against the social-media app TikTok, this one, too, is being justified under the amorphous guise of national security. The US case rests not on hard evidence but on the presumption of nefarious intent tied to China’s dual-purpose military-civilian fusion. Yet the US struggles with its own security fusion – namely, the fuzzy distinction between America’s under-investment in innovation and the real and imagined threats of Chinese technology. Significantly, Yellen’s speech put both superpowers on the same page. At the Communist Party’s 20th National Congress last October, Chinese President Xi Jinping’s opening message also stressed national security. With both countries equally fearful of the security threat that each poses to the other, the shift from engagement to confrontation is mutual. Yellen is entirely correct in framing this shift as a tradeoff. But she only hinted at the economic consequences of conflict. Quantifying these consequences is not simple. But the American public deserves to know what is at stake when its leaders rethink a vitally important economic relationship. Some fascinating new research goes a long way toward addressing this issue.
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